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What's more, today it is clear that if we do not understand well what the 18th century represent for Peru, we will not fully understand not only what its independence represent, but also much of its 19th-century republican history. The error was, however, in stating categorically that protests such as the one l by Túpac Amaru II sought independence from the beginning. And it is also clear that not all Peruvians who propos reforms to the Spanish colonial system in the 18th century can be classifi as precursors or end up adopting openly pro-independence positions.

For example, José Baquíjano y Carrillo, a prominent liberal nobleman from Lima, rebellion of Túpac Amaru II was repress, is a good example of a reformist who, despite the problems that his calls for  Middle East Mobile Number List reform caus with the crown never adopt a position of rupture. In this sense, there is only one Peruvian, born in the 18th century, to whom the title of precursor at a continental level can be attribut: the expell Arequipa Jesuit Juan Pablo Viscardo y Guzmán .




For this and other reasons, John Lynch has express that the independence of Peru was an ambiguous process, where the actions of the popular classes were very disparate, and where the Lima aristocracy opt for independence as the last alternative to preserve their privileges against a powerful power. real that in 1820 (again under the political influence of the liberals) could not protect it. Likewise, other assessments of American independence (such as that of the Franco-Spanish historian Francois Xavier Guerra) consider that it was part of what we could call “the Spanish revolution” (a kind of sequel to the better-known French Revolution), which began in 1808.